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CWLU HERSTORY

About
Abortion Poster Campaign
Our Purpose
Our Mission
What We Believe
Our Programs
Using the Site
Support Us
About Us
Abortion Poster Campaign
Curriculum
Our Band of Sisters
Theory and Strategy
Teaching Modules
Program Descriptions
Analysis
Supplemental Writings on CWLU
Archives
"Jane" Abortion Service
Documents
Memoirs
Art and Culture
Chicago Publications
Classic Feminist Writings
Recent Articles on CWLU
"Ask For Jane" Movie
Resources
Feminist News Sites
Sister Organizations
Historical Links
Academic Links
Activist Links
Books
Women's Health
Feminist Curricula
Feminist Blogs
Contact Us
Store
Webtrax Admin
September 17, 2016
voices of wlm

WLM Newsletter October 1968

Webtrax Admin
September 17, 2016
voices of wlm

NATIONAL CONFERENCE

Tentative plans have been made to hold a national conference of radical women and women's liberation groups this Fall, near Xmas. This would commemorate the 120th anniversary of the Seneca Falls Convention which began the first women's movement in addition to giving us a chance to get together. For more information, write Laya Firestone and Marilyn Webb, c/o The Institute for Policy Studies

ATLANTIC CITY IS A TOWN WITH CLASS
THEY RAISE YOUR MORALS WHILE THEY
JUDGE YOUR ASS

--by
Judith Duffett, New York

On Sept.7, nearly 150 women committed to women's liberation from New York, New Jersey, Washington D.C, Florida, Boston and Detroit, converged on Atlantic City to protest the degrading image of women perpetuated by the Miss America Pageant. 
Our goal was: No more Miss America'! Our objections to the Pageant: its racism (there's never been a black contestant); its use of Miss America as a military mascot to entertain the troops abroad and symbolize the it unstained, patriotic American womanhood our boys are fighting for"; the degrading Mindless-Boob-Girlie symbol which puts women on a pedestal/auction block to compete for male approval; the consumer con-game which makes Miss America a walking commercial and oppresses all women into commodity roles; the cult of youth and the American institution of planned obsolescence which makes last year's Miss America as stale as yesterday's news and makes all women "useless" 

when they are no longer ripe for exploitation as sex objects; the Madonna Whore image of womanhood which means that Miss America must be--seductive in a bathing suit and at the same time be pure and untouched; and the whole idea of beauty contests, which create one "winner" and (Continued on p.5)

REALWOMEN CHAINED TO AMERIKA-DOLLY In guerilla theater skit In Atlantic City.


Page 2

by Florika, New York

What strategies do radical women, in groups and individually, consider necessary for female human social liberation?
This is one of the questions that brought twenty women from different groups across the country together at Sandy Spring Friend School in Maryland for the weekend of August 2-4. While the group developed no definite answers either for a strategy of liberation or for with the system, they did raise and examine some very crucial questions.
We began by discussing the purpose of the individual groups, their members, activities, and political orientation. Two basic positions prevailed. One view feels that women's liberation leads logically and necessarily to the destruction of capitalism The other believes that the existing system, with its technological sophistication, might be able to absorb and accommodate new social patterns and should therefore be attacked directly.
It is important to stress here that the issue was not whether women's liberation should be separate from the struggle against capitalism or the latter undertaken at the exclusion of our own liberation. It was a matter of emphasis. We realized that before we can come up with a long-range strategy we must first know our enemy.
The women who view women 's liberation as leading directly to an anti-capitalist stance tend to define men and the system as an interconnected enemy (the dominators). Men are controlled through their jobs by the system, but women, in addition to being subject to the same domination by the system, are also under the direct domination of men.

Implied in this analysis is the feeling that despite the diffusion and impersonalization of is not undergoing fundamental' changes. Accordingly, male chauvinism and its counterpart, white racism, are not of only interrelated and supportive of each other but may also be considered to be two of the underlying roots of capitalism.
The other position raises doubts about the intrinsically revolutionary nature of the woman issue. It begins by locating certain key sources of power in the system and examining their contemporary tools of expression.
To say that people are controlled or manipulated by the system means that the corporation is the institution which dominates our lives. It is an all-pervasive social, cultural and political force. For the majority of people in this country, it has superseded the "free enterprise" system.
Woman is directly oppressed and subjugated by the corporation whenever she functions as a consumer. Her mind is saturated with ads, products and gadgets at all times, She is not only projected by the mass media as an object and a commodity for consumption----she has in fact emulated and reinforced that image by becoming a self-conscious, self-acting commodity.
Under modern capitalism there are two main kinds of exploitation. One is the blatant oppression of the non-consumer, and the other is the invisible control of the consumer, For the middle-class woman, consumption and the mass media have totally obliterated her sense of reality. Nothing but a full-fledged attack by women on these"invisible" powers of manipulation is going to put her back in touch with reality.
White racism and male chauvinism, two characteristics of capitalism, unquestionable exist. But they exist (Continued on P. 3)


Page 3

Towards Strategy (Continued from p.2)

White racism and male chauvinism, two characteristics of capitalism, unquestionable exist, but they exist as conservative leftovers from the era of industrial revolution, nationalism, the bosses and state power. We still must deal with them, but we must recognize the new forms of power that now prevail.
We must also question why the corporations --- business, not politics---seem to emerge as the power that can effectively circumvent the threat of black revolt by altering the slave economy that produces it. The way the corporations will go about managing and, therefore, neutralizing that threat should indicate the extent to which the system can absorb and control socio- -economic change
A similar pattern might develop if the dissatisfaction that women feel today becomes a political forc.e The dissolution of the family, legal and inexpensive abortions, day-care center for etc., would not be possible, for economic reasons alone, under present American capitalism,
The two positions outlined did not constitute a theoretical split; they actually tended to overlap. They also give a very narrow view of the range of ideas discussed at the conference.
We generally agreed on certain areas of weakness within the movement:

  1. the need to develop an analysis of contemporary capitalism;
  2. the need to define the enemy;
  3. the phenomenon of decentralization: does it imply an erosion of state power? Why are the corporations supporting it?
  4. how does technology control us? What is its potential as a liberating force?
  5. the need to reveal the subtle and often subliminal methods by which people are controlled,

We did agree that we all have a great deal more to discuss and that we should work to involve all concerned women.

The Radical Women of Seattle held a series of classes last summer on "The Women Question in America: the saga of a 3-century struggle for equality," which featured speakers on different aspects of the fight for women's liberation. The classes were open to men and were well-attended, Janet Hews of RWS reports that after the last lecture "a couple of male members of the audience... almost apologized for being members of such an oppressive sex." RWS has also written a very impressive eight-page Program and Structure covering the major areas of the women's struggle and how RWS is organizing to fight them.

Chicago women arranged a series of discussion sessions for women delegates to the Democratic Convention last August, intending to raise questions of concern to women. Although there were 1,300 delegates to the convention, their participation in decision-making was minimal. The elsewhere-discussed events of that week, though, prevented these sessions from taking place.

Women around the New York City Resistance group have recently formed a "women's independent caucus" to try to deal with the problems which are particular to resistance women.

A group called The Feminist Rebellion has been formed at UCLA. It is planning to organize a feminist union on the campus. They want the University to offer classes on feminine cultures, history, political forms and economic (continued on p.7)


Page 4


Page 5

ATLANTIC CITY (Continued from p.1)

millions of insecure, frustrated losers, who feel they must meet the imposed standards of beauty or face disaster -- "You won 't get a man,."
 Our purpose was not to put down Miss America but to attack the male chauvinism, commercialization of beauty, racism and oppression of women symbolized by the Pageant.
 We arrived on the Boardwalk at 2:00 p,m., Saturday, and began picketing in front of Convention Hall — Some of our signs read: "Everyone is Beautiful," "I am a Woman, Not a Toy, Pet or Mascot," "Who Dares to Judge Beauty," and "Welcome to the Miss America Cattle Auction".
 Guerrilla theater was used to illustrate some of our points, A live sheep was crowned "Miss America" and paraded on the liberated area of the boardwalk to parody the way the contestants (all women) are appraised and judged like animals at a county fair.
" Women are enslaved by beauty standards" was the theme of another dramatic action — in which some of us chained ourselves to a life-size Miss America puppet. This was paraded and auctioned off by a woman dressed up as a male Wall Street financier. "Step right up, gentlemen, get your late model woman right here --- a


PEGGY DOBBINS FACES 2 to 3
YEARS IN JAIL

for her participation in the Miss America-Pageant protest. She is now out on $1,000 bail charged with disorderly conduct and "emitting a noxious odor."

SHE NEEDS YOUR HELP

lovely paper dolly to call your very own property .... She can push your product, push your ego, or push your lawnmower...,"
 The highlight of the afternoon was the giant Freedom Trash Can. With elaborate ceremony and shouts of joy, we threw away instruments of torture to women -- highheeled shoes, Merry Widow corsets, girdles, padded bras, false eyelashes, curlers, copies of Playboy, Cosmopolitan, Ladies Home Journal, etc.
 Throughout the afternoon activities, we were observed by some five or six hundred onlookers, mostly men, who were by turns amused, perplexed, and mostly enraged by our presence. The heckling was led by two young men: "You're just jealous --- you couldn't be Miss America if you were the last man(?) on earth',," "Get back on your broom"' "Why, don't you go back to Russia?". "Which one of your girlfriends is your husband?". The women in the mainly lower middle class crowd by and large agreed with them. One woman, however, crossed the police line with her three children and joined us.
 We generally ignored their jeers, but in the evening (we stayed until midnight), when the crowd was somewhat less hostile we changed our tactics, Many of us put down our signs and went right up to the police line and began engaging in dialogue with the people. Two more women crossed the line to our side, thought we did not make many noticeable conversions.
 But a dialogue was established, and women who had felt confused and hurt by the signs and leaflets which they didn't understand and demonstrators with whom they could not identify, began to go through some changes in their heads when we began to talk to them personally. Proving what many of us have felt for a long time — women who are unreachable on most radical issues can be reached on this one, since it involves their daily lives.
 Sixteen of us purchased tickets to the Pageant and, from seats in the balcony near the stage, began a disruption as the outgoing Miss America was making her farewell speech. Although there was no (continued on p. 7)


Page 6

Tune "Ain't She Sweet") 
Ain't she sweet
makin' profit off her meat,
Beauty sells she's told so she's out pluggin' it.
ain't she sweet.

Ain't she quaint
with her face all full of paint.
After all how can she face reality.
ain't she sweet.
Chorus: Just cast an eye
in her direction.
She has to buy--
It's her oppression. 

(Tune "A Pretty Girl Is Like A Melody")
A pretty girl Is a commodity
with stock to buy and sell.
When the market is high, 
and you see her pass by,
count up your shares
in what she wears that pay you dividends.

A pretty girl in this society
is judged by looks alone.
What you see on her face
is often the waste
of chemicals developed for the War.

WOMEN MILITANT
IN WEST GERMANY

Leftists Throw Tomatoes in Drive for Wider Rights
By DAVID BINDER

Special to The New York Times

BONN , Sept. 14— Shouting "counterrevolutionary agent of the class enemy," a young woman threw two tomatoes at the left-wing student leader Hans Krahl in Frankfurt last night — and hit him.
 It was the high point of a struggle for women's rights in the radical socialist German Students League at its 23d annual conference.
 The unidentified suffragette rose amid a stormy controversy over a proposal to establish an "action council for the liberation of woman." The proposal was put forth by the fiery delegate from West Berlin, Heike Sanders, who cried to the predominantly male student gathering:
"We don't want to put up with your repressions any longer. We must liberate ourselves from your oppressions."
 She was laughed at by the men. Then the tomatoes flew.
 Last year eight West Berlin students invited three girls to join them in forming a utopian commune to experiment in practical socialism. It ended up with the girls doing all the cooking and most of the washing for their classmates, and after six months they withdrew.
 During the summer more than a hundred students of West, Berlin's Free University decided they were not seeing enough of their female classmates and moved unopposed into the girls' dormitory at Schlachtensee.
 According to reliable reports, the girls have since been burdened with housekeeping work, as in the unsuccessful 1967 commune.
 The left-wing girls are understood to be rebelling against the inequalities of the arrangement They are part of a larger female uprising in West Germany
against the traditional domination of males.
 According to Government statistics, 31.9 per cent of West Germany's women work full time for a living, carrying out household and family tasks as well. While refrigerators, washing machines and prepared foods have eased their obligations, they are still treated as second-class citizens.


Page 7

ATLANTIC CITY (Continued from p.4)

coverage of the disruption (we were told later that one of the cameramen was about to pan to the balcony when he was told that if he did he would lose his job), the cameras
and micro phones did record the visible turning of heads and the stuttering and trembling of Miss America as we shouted "Freedom for Women!" and "No More Miss America" and hung a banner from the balcony reading, "Women's Liberation."
The sixteen were quickly hustled out, and five were arrested, charges against them later dropped, Earlier Peggy Dobbins had been arrested and held on $1,000 bail, She was charged with disorderly conduct and "emanating a noxious odor" for spraying a can of Toni home permanent throughout the audience.
The Pageant and city officials were undoubtedly. sensitive on this area of commercial products. We had already a declared a boycott of the products sponsoring the Pageant which Toni is one (the others are Pepsi-Cola and Oldsmobile).
We expected that they would sweep Peggy's case under the rug. Instead the charges against her were escalated to an indictable offense, with a possible sentence of two to three years.
 All in all, the day was a tremendous success, We intend to be back in Atlantic City next year and every year until Miss America Pageant is closed down. It may not take too long. There have been rumors that because of the disturbance, the Pageant next year may be taped with no studio audience.
 We have also been in contact with a former Miss America who is on our side, and have heard from a women who was asked to be a judge but declined, partly, because she heard of our plans. I suppose it's possible to have the Pageant without an audience, but you can hardly have one without contestants or judges.

NATIONAL NEWS (Continued from p.3)

needs, Ann Herschfang reports that many of small, isolated, feminist groups are springing up spontaneously from Berkeley to San Diego "
It has been suggested that each newsletter contain names of chapter contacts to help local recruiting in various areas. Chapters that would like to be listed should select contact women and send the particulars to VWLM. If you live in an area where there is no chapter and would like to start one, write us for the names of other interested people.

 NOTES FROM THE FIRST YEAR, a 34-page booklet of writings by New York women put out last June received favorable reviews in The Guardian and the Village Voice Copies are selling for 50 cents to women and $1.00 to men and are available from Marion Davidson. Cindy Cisler reports that distribution in bookstores and word-of-mouth publicity has brought in many new members, New chapters have started in Los Angeles, San Francisco and New Haven. Contact Devra Weber in L.A., Pam Allen in S.F. or Harriet Wolff in New Haven.

A Cambridge chapter has published a literary journal on women's liberation with poems, essays, graphics and photograph collages. It is nameless --- can be purchased from $1.25 from Roxanne Dunbar.

The State College, Pennsylvania chapter is fighting to get equal representation on the Town Independent Men's Council, the civic governing body. The council has offered to give women two of its twenty-six seats.

The Women's Radical Action Project in Chicago (WRAP) held its first meeting open to men. Of the nearly 80 people attending the meeting, over half were men, Out of a discussion of the mutually dehumanizing roles imposed on men and women developed plans for a men's liberation group. The general tone of the meeting was one of openness and sympathy.

Page 8

by Sara Heslep, Chicago

Aileen S. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920 Columbia University Press, New York, 1965,

Few of us have ever felt indebted to Wyoming, We should: in 1869, fully a generation before any other state, Wyoming granted full franchise to women. The suffrage movement did not cross the critical geographical social frontier of the Mississippi until 1913 when Illinois adopted a presidential franchise for wome. Seven years later the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.
 Altogether, the campaign for the vote spanned 75 years; it was shoved to the periphery of three reform movements and drew in 2,000,000 000 before the 19th amendment passed
 History of the woman suffrage movement is not the subject of Aileen Kraditor's book. Nor is the struggle for legal and economic rights. She deals with the ideology and tactics of the fight for the vote. Between 1890, when the two suffrage groups with national followings merged into the National America Woman Suffrage Association, and the post-war amendment of 1919-20, women fought the prejudices of fathers, husbands and brothers. They antagonized Congressmen and clergy. They cajoled the doubtful of their own sex. They spoke, they wrote, they met with whoever would listen. They had against them the "objective truths" of the theology, biology, and sociology of their times.
 Is it any wonder that woman suffrage took three generations to achieve?
The original suffragists (not suffragettes--their British counterparts) were abolitionists. Their

movement grew from the same reform impulse as the anti-slavery movement and based its arguments, similarly
on natural rights.
 First-generation suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B, Anthony, and Lucy Blackwell Stone appealed to the Declaration of Independence. They set out to convince the country that women were created equal to men and merited the same political responsibilities
 Early ideology assumed and articulated progress of civilization from government by force to government by consent of the governed. The colonial analogy and bywords, "no taxation without representation," had fresh relevance for the generation of women who had recently achieved the right to own property after marriage and who were gaining education and working in, significant numbers.
 Later strategy allied the suffrage question with various reform goals of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Many women were also temperance unionists; many fought for good municipal government; some worked for Americanization of immigrant groups.
 There were distasteful alliances in this period also. Exclusionist sentiments, anti-immigrant (primarily in cities) and anti-Negro (particularly in the South) strongly influenced suffragist reasoning. In all alliances the appeal to expediency-we can help you, Mister, if you give us the means--dominated over the earlier appeal to natural right.
 For most of Miss Kraditor's period, suffragists were persuaders, not activists in a contemporary sense. Particularly after 1900, when their issue became "respectable," NAWSA rank and file were conservative and apolitical. The apolitical character also had (Continued on p.9)


Page 9

(Continued from p. 8)
deep roots in the events of Reconstruction. Republican leaders had welcomed the talents of feminist abolitionists and then deserted them after the war on the grounds that the enfranchisement of the Southern black male was more important than women's issues. They would have to wait.
 NAWSA itself was a league of voluntarily affiliated local groups. It found resources and set priorities through conventions, elected leaders, and publications. Shortly before World War 1, tactical militants organized by Alice Paul broke with the parent organization.
 From the beginning suffragists had to tilt at the social windmill of the "place" of women. Anti-suffragist arguments that women were not rational, that they belonged at home raising children, that the Bible sanctified an inferior role for them, were essentially defensive measures used to fortify an image of male dominance in times of change. As economic structures of male domination sagged, fortification of traditional sex roles proceeded at a desperate pace. Attributes of femininity were at stake. Women could not be ladies and be political animals too. Both politics and motherhood would suffer.
 The religious argument was far weightier than it is today, (it's been replaced by psychology) but other objections of men, and women, opponents have a startling contemporaneity. To learn how the suffrage movement grew out of dissatisfaction with middle class life styles created by increased economic and educational mobility gives us a new understanding of great-grandmother.
 Restricted in tactics, disillusioned with male politicians whose priorities spelled betrayal, at war with the moral foundations of their society, these women met, wrote , spoke, sweated, and finally won--a paper victory, To read this book is to realize how little has happened in 120 years.

NATIONAL NEWS (continued from p. 7)

The National Organization of Women (NOW) is sponsoring a boycott of all Colgate-Palmolive products to protest the company's long-standing flagrant discrimination against female employees, In addition to the usual separate seniority lists, unequal pay rates, and exclusion from promotion to better jobs on the grounds of "state protective legislation," the company has been laying off women with more than twenty years seniority to hire men with no seniority in their places. Everyone is urged not to buy any Colgate products. Let's not contribute to our own oppression.

WOMEN:_A Quarterly of Women's Liberation is soliciting articles, poems, and short stories. Material and contributions should be sent to Dee Ann Pappas.

 The Albina Art Center in Portland, Oregon, is looking for "political art" for like some relevant pieces on women's liberation, Contact and send ~photographs of your work to Damrosch MacKurray, Albina Art Center, Inc.

 WLM women in New York who are also members of the Newsreel Project are making a documentary film of footage they shot at Atlantic City during the Miss America Pageant. It should be ready soon and will be distributed by the VWLM for local programs.

 The Women's Radical Action Project at the University of Chicago is organizing to demand that the University finance a day-care center for children of students, faculty and employees. The idea has received strong support from many of the University's female employees who frequently have to spend most of their salary on babysitters, Nearly fifty women attended WRAP's first organizing meeting this fall.

(Continued on p. 11)


The Nitty Gritty On
The Woman Question

(From the San Francisco Express Times, 8-28-68)

Lenny Heller's article on Anne Scheer in the August 14 issue of the Express Times is a prototype of the chauvinistic and condescending attitude male radicals have toward their female counterparts. The article purports to be an interview of Anne Scheer's experiences in the Democratic Republic of North Vietnam. But Heller was not interested in anything she had to SAY and apparently thought it inconceivable that she could say anything: "I can't seem to find a woman to suit me-so I went to look at somebody else's. And again.. "I went back to talk with her again ... to watch her more closely."
Heller and the other male ''radicals" find it impossible to see women as competent individuals. Rather they are sexual objects, entities that exist to please men, and decorative items to garnish in their mint-skirts. Indeed Heller feels emasculated at the thought that women have much to say and contribute to the left. He finds women tough when they refuse to come on with sexual games. It Is a sad commentary on men who call themselves radicals to feel threatened by women who assert their creative powers as individuals.
The male chauvinism In the movement goes much further than Lenny Heller's article. It is evident In a newspaper which would print such an interview. Chauvinism toward women is so commonplace that Marvin Garson, "didn't see how hurtful (the article) would be." Garson continues, "I have discovered, in the last few days, that my own casual callousness was no personal eccentricity; almost without exception, every woman I've talked to has found the interview objectionable while every man has wondered what the fuss was about.,, (EXPRESS TIMES, August 21).
Indeed viewing women as sexual appendages of the left is much like racism-it Is an unconscious attitude which those having It find nearly impossible to recognize. Yet male chauvinism is an element on the left, reflected in the structure of radical organizations from the EXPRESS TIMES to the and-draft groups. Movement women are predominately relegated to movement shitwork; movement men make the decisions. Women are rarely listened to in meetings. Even if they manage to make themselves heard above what are often ego-involved powers struggles of male radicals, their -words go unheeded as the audience takes in their appearances. It is no wonder that many radical women find it impossible to function within existing male-dominated attitudes about women permeate the left and be almost imperceptible to it Is that the movement has failed to create and even more to accept a radical analysis of the problems of woman. It is for this purpose-among others that radical women all over the country are forming groups for the discussion and implementation of womens liberation. Our discussions have led us to the beginnings of both theory and perspectives for action. Clearly the attitudes toward women on the left are the same (though sometimes expressed in more subtle forms) as those In the society as a whole. It is Important to understand that the social ethos creating role-definitions for both men and women Is crucial to the maintenance of the authoritarian, repressive society under which capitalism functions.

Men in this society are taught that In order to be masculine they must actively create; and dominate sexually, physically, and morally. Women are taught to be subservient and easily manipulated. Though child-rearing and housekeeping takes up less and less of their time women are told with Increasing vigor that their only creative roles are as wife and mother. This forces women to see their children as extensions of themselves because they are the only concrete products of their working lives. Hence dependent, guilty and confused children. It is in the face of the importance of domination to the male self-concept that men feel threatened by women who attempt to break out of their socially defined roles. Women, denied the possibility of direct self-expression, must often rely on coquettishness and manipulation to overcome subservience. The results of these social roles are numerous, one of them being that sex becomes an act ox mutual exploitation rather than an affirmation of one's humanity.
These same repressive roles which create sexual exploitation and male chauvinism on the left have important functions in Western capitalism. One of the products of the social ethos of roles is the housewife: a bored, uncreative and frustrated woman. Women control 75% of the purchasing power of consumer goods in America. It did not take industries and advertisers long to figure out that women will buy more when they are told that happiness is in having and not in being. The housewife is assured that she will become fulfilled by having a refrigerator to match her kitchen floor. Women's role as sexual object is exploited by the market of women's products: cosmetics and fashionable clothing. Indeed, it is highly profitable to maintain woman's role as object rather than subject and the social attitudes that go along with it.
The institutionalized forms of discrimination against women are supported by repressive role-definitions. In production women earn lower wages and more importantly find many professions virtually closed to them. The types of jobs open to women are extensions of their role as mother and helper. Thus women are predominately nurses, teachers and secretaries. The oppression of women is integral to every aspect of Western Institutions. It can be seen in woman's role in the family, her legal position (especially as related to abortion laws) and her opportunities for higher education.
Our goal is to end not only the institutional oppression of women but also to destroy the repressive social ethos creating the basis for its continuation. Clearly neither men nor women will be psychologically free and unalienated without basic changes In the structure of society. However it is crucial that the movement give a radical analysis of every aspect of our exploitative society. It is inconceivable that this analysts could stop short of recognizing the systematic oppression of women. The radical movement must begin the task of creating relationships based on mutual respect. Marvin Garson says that he may be a male chauvinist but that's all right because most other males on the left are also. We can only say that he and others should think twice about calling themselves radical.

Susan Lydon
Lisa Mandel
Consle Miller
Suzy Nelson
Anne Scheer

Anne Bernstein
Liz Bunding
Elaine Greenberg
Sydney Halpern
Zoe Isonn


Page 11

Letters

Dear Voice,
 I'm delighted with the uniform proposal. The sooner the better. Could it have pockets please? And be comfortable without restricting movement? I like to look fairly presentable at the institution where I work when I interview parents, but I also like to be able to run freely with the children. I wonder if culottes that look like a dress is the answer? Also, could the summer uniform be sleeveless, for greater comfort?
 I'm eagerly awaiting for the day the uniforms go on sale.

Helen Story
Berkeley

Sisters,
 A uniform for the women in WLM would simply be substituting one restriction for another. The problem is not current fashion per se, it's the rigidity with; which it is prescribed by the fashion industry. We are not liberated unless we can choose freely between hair shirt and a sequined dress. We must fight conformity, not-develop our own.

Toby Silvey
Chicago

Sisters, (?????),
 Please send my wife stuff you....might have which approaches the political through the domestic--hangups of women. I've tried but I think other women can do it best. Thanks.

Fraternally,
Paul Resstucia,
Quebec

Dear Paul,
 We will gladly send your wife some "stuff" as soon as you send us her name.

---Ed.

NATIONAL NEWS (Continued from p.9)

Radical Women in Boston, New York and other cities joined with NOW and a Boston Welfare Mothers' group in a demonstration of support for Bill Baird on October 18 in Boston. Baird is director and founder of Parents' Aid Society, a Long Island birth-control clinic and abortion referral service. He faces a possible 10 years in jail for displaying publicly a birth-control device and distributing foam to unmarried women at a 1967 Boston University lecture (Doctors' prescriptions for married women are the only legal source for contraceptives in Mass.) His case is currently on appeal before the Mass. Supreme Court.

 After years of resistance, the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission has finally ruled that in at least some areas women are entitled to the same rights as blacks under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. As of November 30, 1968, the EEOC has ruled that newspapers can no longer list job offers separately by sex. We'll be eager to see how vigorously this is enforced..

pg11a.jpg

Rosalyn Baxandall and Cindy Cisler join a Parents' Aid picket of St. Patricks Cathedral to protest the Pope's ban on birth control. The sign says: "Why Should Male Clerics Rule Female Bodies?"


Page 12

Readings

Up From Ridicule: A Position Paper
On Radical Women/ Marlene Dixon
Towards a Radical Women's Movement/
 Marilyn Webb
Women in the Radical Movement: A Reply to Ramparts/  Evelyn Goldfield, Heather Booth, Sue Munaker
The Look is You: Towards a Strategy
for Radical Women/Naomi Jaffe and Bernadine Dohrn
A Call for Women"s Liberation/ 
 Sue Munaker
Women: An Essential Force for Change/
 Sue Munaker
The Sexual Caste System: On Passing
Two whores and a nun/Heather Dean

Sisters, Brothers, Lovers...Listen/Judi
Bernstein Peggy Morton, Linda
 Seese. Myrna Wood
An Introduction to the Boston Regional Meeting/ 
 Nancy Hawley
Excerpts from an Interview with
 Pam Allen and Julius Lester
Some Proposals for Radical women/
 Sue Cloke (free)

RECOMMENDED:
Towards a Female Liberation Movement/'
 Beverly Jones and Judith Brown (50 cents)
Kinder, Kuche, Kirche,as scientific law:
Psychology constructs the female/
Naomi Weisstein-,.(35 cents)


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Tagged: wlm newsletter october 1968

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Webtrax Admin
September 17, 2016
voices of wlm

WLM Newsletter January 1969

Webtrax Admin
September 17, 2016
voices of wlm

Jan 1969 Page 1

At National Council Meeting (NC)
Eileen Klehr, Chicago
At the December NC, SDS, a well known male chauvinist organization, passed a proposal dealing directly with the question of Women's Liberation. The original proposal was written by a man, Noel Ignatin. At a woman's caucus, called soon after the NC had begun, the majority of women felt that, while Noel's proposal had many good points, it was still incomplete and needed re-writing. From that point on, women devoted their time to ideological arguments around how the new proposal was to be written.
To understand the basis of the women's arguments, it is important to have some knowledge of the current SDS situation. The action at the NC greatly consisted of debate between two factions engaged in a power struggle. One of these factions is the Progressive Labor Party and friends; the other is known as the National Collective or "Klonskyites".
The main argument centered around what were called "primary" and "secondary" contradiction. The ''primary" contradiction in capitalist society is between the social nature of production and the private ownership of the means of production. (cont. p. 7)

Marlene Dixon, assistant professor at the University of Chicago has not been offered a 3 year appointment to the university faculty, the polite term universities use when firing people. Following standard university policy, reasons for the decision have not been disclosed. Large numbers of students and faculty are speculating that Marlene was fired because she is a woman, a political activist, a Marxist, and a devoted teacher.
 Marlene holds a unique joint appointment from the Department of Sociology (DoS) and the Committee on Human Development (HD). Recommendation for reappointment first came from HD but was denied by the DoS, a more powerful department. Although HD pays Marlene's full salary, the word of DoS was final. HD chairman William Henry stated, "I think it was certainly a clear straight forward recommendation. HD regrets very much that this was the outcome. This was not our recommendation. We have always looked upon her teaching with considerable enthusiasm. (cont. p. 2)


Page 2

Joreen, Chicago

The Southern Students' Organizing Committee (P.0, Box 6403, Nashville, Tenn. 37212) has made women's liberation one of the topics covered by their speakers bureau., Lynn Wells of SSOC is tentatively calling a Southern Radical Women's Conference in February,
 The Women's Revolutionary Liberation Front in Boston has set up a female cooperative commune. Roxanne Dunbar reports that "we plan to analyze and act upon our analysis of societies which base their assumptions about human behavior on caste differences. We assume that the basic and oldest caste distinction is the subordination of the female to the male. We are going to set up a fully automated community as a model of the new society.
 Lost and found at the national conferenceone long, left-handed, black leather glove and a wooden barrett. They can be claimed by writing the VWLM,
 The Southern Conference Educational Fund will provide subsistence to Carol Hanisch, formerly of the New York Radical Women's Group, for six months this year to "explore the organizing potentials in the South for Women"s liberation. Her work will include. 1) talking to other movement women informally and in conference; 2) experimenting with a caucus in existing SCEF projects; 3) initiating a women's project--probably with poor white and black women.
 Pacifica Radio WBAI in New York has produced a series of five hour-long programs on abortion which were broadcast during December and January, Tapes of the programs can be borrowed by groups for a small deposit. Contact James Clapp, 607 E. 12th St. , NYC 10009-To inquire about broadcasting the series on other stations., contact Kay Lindsey, WBAI, 30 E. 39th St. , NYC 10016.

Karen Genter reports that women in the the Ohio State University SDS have formed a women's liberation group. "Having male chauvinism problems and many female organizational problems, at this point internal education is where we are at." Interested women can reach her at 1305 Neil Ave. , Columbus, Ohio 43201. Other new chapters and contacts are: Charlotte Weeks, 1751 Bryn Mawr, #1, East Cleveland, Ohio 44112 (216-268-5131); Connie Ciulla, 355 Colvin, Buffalo, NY 14216; Sally Pollak, 365 Madisop., Albany, NY 12210; Sidney Sharpe, Box 113, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. (Cont, P. 7)

**************************

DIXON (From P. 1),
 The Chicago Maroon, 1/7/69, reported that: ''Marlene Dixon has held her joint appointment for the last 3 years; this was her first teaching position. She received her BA and PhD from the University of California at Los Angeles, She has made no secret of her new left political persuasion. She has been active in women s liberation groups and most recently in the New University Ccnference., "
The pat official comment for such occasions was given by Morris Janowitz., Chairman of the DoS, "Pecple come here for 3 or 4 years not necessarily expecting reappointment. A decision of nonreappointment is not a blow professionally. "
What is not mentioned in the Maroon or in much of the discussion are the kinds of pressures Marlene faced, As the first woman hired by the DoS in 15 years, Marlene was at once a token and lucky and never allowed to forget it. She felt a pressure to publish because she wanted to prove that a woman could make it, But she felt more strongly the need to be responsible to herself and to be a good teacher as well as a competent scholar, She was always available to her students, often sacrificing time she needed for writing and research. She influenced her students not to be mere academicians, but to use their skills to force
change in this country, (Cont. P. 7)


Page 3

I used to teach art in a private home for unwed mothers, most of them. twenty year old, white middle-class women from small towns who had come to the city to hide and put their babies up for adoption. The fund raising brochure lists one of the main functions of the Home as helping to "conceal an unwanted pregnancy from the community", This is one of the unexamined. unconvincing explanations the house gives for its existance--unconvincing, when you consider fact that the mothers are not accepted into the home until they they four to five months pregnantIn maternity clothes some with legs already swathed in Dr. Scholl's flesh colored stockings for varicose veins and tired muscles, In general everyone in their hometowns already knows that they are pregnant, especially their fathers who have been told that they are studying fashion design in New York city.
 The motives of the Methodist chewing gum manufacturer who first endowed the home sixty years ago, and whose trust fund is still called The Fund for Fallen Women w ere probably suspect as hell. He's not, alone. There are hundreds of similar institutions across the country respectable staffed with concerned social
workers, psychiatrists, nurses, dieticians, pediatricians obstreticians and volunteer Republican club women.. All their statements of purpose sound relatively harm less; they assure good prenatal care in a controlled environment, carefully chosen adoptive homes therapy is offered, usually insisted upon, it doesn't sound any more paternalistic and authoritarian than most social welfare institutions, but it is a good example of the particular way institutions oppress women in our society. What must be seer is that the basic reason for the existence of *his institution is punishment of ''fallen women ".

Consider the unnatural situation the uncomplaining woman finds herself in. In,, ing in an alien, isolated. crummy Victorian mansion with twenty other women, each with a belly as full as hers, with back aches varicose veins, stretch marks, piles, and a matching story of failure and loss. People at times of birth, sickness and death are probably their most vulnerable and most in need of their community friends and family for support. These young women go to give birth to a baby without without a friend or relative to hold their hands, and they give up that baby without the support and understanding of the people who love them. They aren't even allowed to grieve properly because it might endanger the morale of the institution as it certainly would, because only a hererogeneous community can absorb grief naturally.
 My job at the home was peripheral, I taught arts and crafts a few hours a week, In the beginning. when I didn't it all too clearly I could, deliver a sincere and sensible decision to give up their babies for adoption. My program was to provi,de them with a sublimation of their condition, They conceive an idea, nurture it. and finally produce an object d'art they could appropriately return home with—this wa's to make up for the baby. This justified my job to the director. The problem was that it didn't work. Very little the mothers did was important to them. They really took little interest in keeping what they had made. Lining the shelves of the craftsroom like a tiny motley parade were dozens of their rejects--funny, lumpy clay forms, some woodcuts and a few paintings of the most aggressive, spikey butterflies I've ever seen. The little figures they modeled were very poignant to me. They made nude women of clay with strangely distorted breasts and bellies, perhaps revealing fear and the lack of control the pregnant women felt over their bodies. Cont. p. 5 )


Page 5

Cocktails

Anne Koedt
NewYork

Some male reactions to keep women's consciousness down:

The Laugh: Dismissing the issue without even discussing it. This puts all the burden of proof on you.

Your Fault-It's your personal problem. Not a social, political one. "Something in your life must have screwed you all up so you hate men. See a psychiatrist. This is the technique of trying to isolate you.

Women are 'Different': The separate but-equal argument based upon biological data. "You're not inferior, just different. I love women. " This technique uses physiology, which obviously' cannot be changed, as proof positive of the validity of the status quo. Most oppressed groups in the world have some physiological argument tacked on to them.

Women's rights were won 40 years ago:Recognizes the problem as a past one, but denies that it still exists.

The Male Liberal: "I'm all for it, but what about the children, etc, " The technique works to agree there's a "problem, then tries to steer you back to the traditional role by specific guilt manipulations,

The Super-Feminist: Having accepted the issue superficially or actually, but still needs to one-up you. So he becomes the super feminist, moralizing to you about how you haven't quite made it yet, etc. Helping the little woman with her problem, This maintains the control over the process and also intimidates the woman.

Seducer: Having been unable to argue or intimidate the woman, he tries to re-establish the conventional role by having sex with her, It's a conquest. This area is very subtle, since he may agree with you verbally, may recognize you as a formidable, strong woman, etc, , but that just makes the conquest all the more challenging.

Women Don't Want Freedom:. The oppressor turns on the oppressed, blames her for her own oppression. Since one can always find

Aunt Toms, scared women, etc. , this argument can seem real if one does not distinguish between who is the victim and who is the perpetrator.

I'll Accept Women's Freedom if. .: women will go to Vietnam, pay alimony, etc. This is a very intimidating tactic because it is a threat that if women want to free them -selves the few privileges they have will be taken away from them.

She's Only a Feminist Because She's a Bitch Who Can't Get a Man: And you don't want to be like that, do you? Third person son tactic used to persuade women that the worse thing that could happen to them is to lose their oppressors.

Zip Code

The "Political Programme of Viet Nam Alliance of National, Democratic and Peace Forces" recently received from the NLF office in Czechoslovakia, has a provision in it pledging "to enforce equal rights, political, economic, cultural and social, for men and women. " The United States Declaration of Independence says only that "all men are created equal."

******************

Our best to Lenny Heller for his consistently disgusting reporting for the San Francisco Express Times. (see 10/68 issue of VWLM)

FALLEN WOMEN (From P. 3)
 Every three months I received a new group of women. I would talk about the aesthetics of the 20th century--the new imagery of speed, light gleaming chrome, polished, throbbing machinery, the rhythm of expressways and the Jefferson Airplane. They would sit politely, smoothing the cloth over their bellies, and then proceed mindlessly to carve and color their fear totems, their butterflies and their flowers. (Cont. on P. 6)
///////////////////////////////

PLAN NOW TO CELEBRATE- MARCH 8
INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!


Page 6

FALLEN WOMEN (cont. from p. 5)

In my class there was one girl who showed a great deal of interest. We became fairly close. She was tough, outspoken and very talented. She came fro a working class Italian family and had al ways wanted to be an artist. Since this was her second pregnancy (her first was at 16), she had never finished high school E. told me matter of factly that her family always figured that she would grow up to be a whore. It was apparent that she was not a typical dutiful daughter. She was strong, wilful, intense, sensual, and could never --she was that straight-say what she didn't mean. She was also very smart but she believed the whore image anyway. One thing that E. possessed that seemed rather remarkable to me was a real interest in and an ability to personalize her baby. Since the girls were all going to give up their babies, there was an unspoken kind of agreement about how you were to handle references to the baby. Whereas in a normal pregnancy a pregnant woman would complain about how strongly her baby was kicking or how fat and heavy the thing was getting the unwed mothers spoke only of backache or gaining weight. E. was comfortable in her relationship with her unborn. She wasn't going to keep it but she didn't have to pretend it didn't exist. She told me that she knew that she would think occasionally about the. child throughout her life and this would hurt. She wanted to see her baby when it was born and this need landed her temporarily in the psycho ward of the hospital. They had to place her there when she couldn't control her reaction after the hospital staff told her she would not be allowed to see her baby. Sinai Hospital in Chicago has a policy for the preservation of the emotional tranquility of the unwed mother. They feel it would be too upsetting for her to see the baby she has already signed over for adoption.
This woman was a classic victim of an oppression known generally only to women.

Basically she was disapproved of by her family from the time she was small for the same characteristics they would have applauded in a son. Their whore image of her is so pervasive, especially since it is unanimously back ed by society, that even after being placed in a punitive institution, suffering a subtle torture under the name of benevolent protection, she will continue through life with only a vague feeling that society has screwed her. (ed. note: We would like to print similar articles which point to instances of institutional oppression of women.)


Page 7

NATIONAL NEWS ( From p.2)

Wouldn't you know it; the newspapers are fighting the law. Rather than submit to the ruling of the Equal Employment Opportunities Com-mission to desegregate their want-ads by December 1, 1968, the American Newspaper Publishers Association and the Washington Star filed suit in federal court, ANPA claims that the EEOC has no authority to make such a regulation, that compliance would hurt job seekers employers and newspapers and that "newspaper and their advertisers are unwilling to depart so radically from a successful system," (Sucessful for whom?) ANPA lost the first round but did get the court to enjoin the EEOC from enforcing the ruling while they appeal the decision. This could take from six months to a year

 In the meantime . the only newspaper in the country to desegregate was the stodgy New York Times . This is in part due to the announcement in November by the New York City Dept. for Consumer Affairs that they would enforce the EEOC's ruling by revoking the license of any violator. We suspect it is also due to the fact that local NOW and WLM women have been picketing the Times for weeks.

 Shirley Chisholm of Brooklyn took office this month as the first black woman ever elected to the US Congress, A devoted feminist , she said she is going to continue to address herself to the concerns of women. "The rest of the world has to be done by women across the U.S .. particularly the mobilizing of pressure groups, The pressure has to be a relentless pressure; otherwise the men in Congress feel they don't have to pay much attention to women, Women must be dedicated and aggressive because America is a society where if you are not aggressive.. you are left behind."

Revolutionary Age , a quarterly published by Freedom Socialist Publications, has put out a Special issue on "American Women and the Radical Movement." It can be purchased from them for 60 cents at 3117 E. Thomas, Seattle, Washington 98102.

S D S (From P. 1)
 Men and women labor collectively, but for the benefit of the few. The "primary" oppression in our society is that of the working class by the ruling class.
This conflict is primary because unless it is resolved, no others can be resolved. Yet there are other forms of oppression in our society, named "secondary contradictions" by the NC . For example, the oppression of blacks by whites, young people by adults, women by men. No one denied that adult paternalism, racism., male chauvinism exist. But the argument between PL and many non-PL types centers around how much the"secondary" contradictions take on a life of their own. PL believes that the liberation of youth and women (Their argument with respect to blacks is less clear) will take place as a natural by-product of a successful working-class revolution, They stress that adults.. whites. men, are not the real enemy; the ruling class is.
Everyone agreed that the ruling class is the ultimate enemy., But many women felt that a socialist revolution did not necessarily liberate women, They argued that men are are in fact opp- (Cont, p . 9)

DIXON (From P. 2)

Even those who disagreed with her felt she was a challenging teacher.

Marlene was isolated from the mainstream, careerist University of Chicago faculty both by the type of work that she did and her attitudes toward her role as a teacher, She did much research but because of its antiestablishment nature, it was not welcomed in the proper professional journals. Besides her regular teaching load and her research, Marlene held special study groups for those interested. attended political meetings, organized a group of graduate women into a women's group, and helped to organize and maintain the women's caucus of the New University Conference. (Cont. p. 8)


Page 8

NATIONAL NEWS ( From p.7)

If you want to read a book of statistics that will raise your blood pressure, ask the Women's Bureau of the U. S. Dept. of Labor to send you their Handbook on Women Workers. It shows precisely how bad women's situation is. The Women's Bureau, set up in 1920 after the adoption of the 19th Amendment, also puts out a whole slew of other pamphlets on all aspects of women's position. A list of publications and single copies of any of them can be obtained free from regional bureaus in Boston, Atlanta, Chicago, San Francisco and Dallas,
 The most thorough bibliography on women to date has been compiled by Cindy Cisler of the New York groups. It is 11 pages long, partially annotated, and can be purchased from her for 25 cents at 102 W. 80th St. , NYC 10024. She is also distributing a devastating booklet produced by New York NOW on "Token Learning: A Study of Women's Higher Education in America. " Students, 50 cents Others $1, 00.
 The Women's Majority Union of Seattle has put out the first issue of Lilith, a magazine which will be published whenever there is sufficient material available. It is named for the woman God made before Eve, and to find out more about that story you'll have to send 50 cents to 2021 E. Lynn, Seattle 98102 for a copy. This issue contains several excellent articles and a groovy back cover, # # #

Amy Kesselman and Kathy Kearney suggest a handshake for our movement: Cross hands (left over right, of course) and lock thumbs as al shaking (official international struggle sign), then break apart and make fist,
COMMENTS???

A wide group of students and faculty are supporting her with the demand "Rehire Marlene. " These groups consist of SDS, NUC, Women's Radical Action Project (WRAP), Concerned Scientists, and a group of biology students. The grad student associations in sociology, human development, political science and other departments are working to support her
These groups are raising more than questions about elitist and secretive hiring and firing practices. They are challenging the substantive content of their academic disciplines, and are claiming the right to be taught by those who do not hold the establishment point of view. The active concern shown by the usually passive grad students shows that they are finally getting fed up with the sterile, competitive nature of grad school.
WRAP women and others, in WITCH's garb, hexed the head of the DoS, Morris Janowitz, twice on Thursday, 1/16. That evening, the NUC sponsored a symposium on radical sociology at which Marlene spoke.
The DoS has called a mass meeting for Friday, 1/17 to explain its general policies of hiring and firing. Students are demanding that this meeting be run and chaired by students and that they discuss Marlene's case specifically. At the meeting they will also demand that she be rehired.
There are other projected plans including possible sit-ins, more symposiums and more "terrorist" activity, Nothing has been finalized. But Marlene's case has been the first thing to shake the complacent U of C campus in a long time, forcing large numbers of students to deal with a lot of questions in a real way,

*********************

Chicago: FRED, the Socialist Press & Information Service (7642 N. Paulina/761-1984) offers the WLM and others in the city inside news and services (weekly calendar, citywide organizational list and more). He just can't keep a secret, Tell him your plans and the whole movement in Chicago will know.


Page 9

SDS ( From p.7)

oppressors of women because they hold dominant positions over women and because they help to perpetuate that dominance. They argued that "secondary" contradictions are often those most sharply felt by people and that to organize around felt oppression contributes to the general class struggle. In the course of the debate, many non-PL women decided that the term "male supremacy" was better than "male chauvinism"-since the latter term merely indicates a mental attitude. "Male supremacy" indicates that men are actually in a superior position in a society which oppresses women in every facet of their lives.
 A new proposal, containing, the above non-PL arguments, was finally written but not un til after a group of PL women had walked out of the caucus. The proposal in its final form was quite good--it was in two parts. The first, an analysis of women's s oppression, deals with male chauvinism and the material basis of women's oppression. The second part was a formal proposal calling for an end to male supremacy in SDS and calling for SDS to organize towards a raise in wages of women university employees, equality of women in educational institutions (high schools, colleges, trade school etc. ) and for the relation of the struggle for women's liberation in schools to the women of the working class, including institutions that oppress working class women: juvenile court, girls' homes, women's prisons, family court, welfare, and labor battles.
 This proposal was presented at the NC after women fought to have it moved from the end of the agenda to the beginning. The debate was excellent: most of those who spoke against the proposal were PL women who felt that it had serious political shortcomings. Particularly excellent in their speeches for the proposal were Margie Haile, who spoke about haw the. American dream victimizes women and how we should fight against that, and Barbara Riley, from West Berlin and Columbia SDS, who spoke about the #

creation of new socialist forms. Both women received standing ovations from the audience. It didn't seem, for the most part, that the enthusiastic response to the proposal was patronizing. It was obvious that the women were not saying, "Listen to us or we'll quit SDS and not fuck you anymore". What we did say was "you must listen to us if you advocate a truly socialist revolution. " It was unfortunate that the women's debate had to be held in the context of the PL-anti PL struggle. But I think it is significant that the proposal was debated seriously by the entire body and that it passed. What remains now is to see if the proposal will be implemented on that same level of seriousness. ##


Page 10

Sisters.,
 I ve long intended to write a harsh polemic like the one that follows, but never finished it. However; your most recent mailing that asked for my opinions prompted me to give you them.
 To begin with, the Thanksgiving Conference. If the conference itself was on as low a level as the summary report,-I'm glad to have missed the former and sorry not to have missed the latter. It sounded like a Brownie outing instead of a nationwide gathering of conscious-militant women A little more than a, year ago, I attended months of meetings of the NY Radical Women, The same damn debate was going on (and on) at every meeting "persuasive. intellectual work and analysis, . . (vs. ) personal experiences-" So far, not only has the intellect not moved into the stomach, but it has fled even the brain,
 I do not deny the therapeutic effect of the I confess-I accuse sessions, but anyone who attends even one meeting or reads even one newsletter knows all the themes and variations. Now what? Play workshop, of course.-What could be more relevant? Marx and Engels analyzed the oppression of women in the middle of the last century, so it isn't that much of a revelation. And now our 20th century sisters advance such revolutionary notions as groping and fondling and "rationalizing the pursuit of men,-"
 To deal the death blow to barbarous American capitalism we turn to the Alternative Life Styles workshops. Stressing "new life styles within our present situations" rather than "after the revolution" makes this project a natural for Ford Foundation funding, Not surprising that none of these workshops reached any conclusions--not even the most obvious conclusion that these workshops are a waste of time

It seems fairly obvious from all of this that personal experiences lead to nothing but more personal experiences. Instincts, no matter how good, do not give any more than a scant clue to how the world does work or can work. How about a bit of science ? A bit of creativity ?
Idealizing the Vietnamese or Guatemalan woman is a positive insult to every woman who dreams of (and works for) a new kind of world-It is nothing but ignorance to believe that these women are liberated in any real way. Read the program of the National Liberation Front or Sue Munaker's" The Women of Vietnam" in the August Voice of the WLM,, They are permitted to fight because the NLF needs soldiers and will be sent to the factories when the NLF needs workers and sent back home and hearth when the NLF needs babies, All the gains made by Russian women in 1917 were lost by 1930 Like elitist little American and European Maoists, you imply that (romanticized) oppression is good for the Chinese (read Vietnamese, Cuban, etc.) but heavens) not for us'
I entirely agree that "we fight at home in the stomach of the monster, while our Vietnamese and Guatemalan sisters fight its head. " We throw stink bombs at Miss America and heroically destroy our charge accounts. Fortunately for the survival of the Vietnamese people, they have devised better tactics.
The women', s liberation movement could become just that. However, right now it is an irrelevant (albeit pleasant) pastime for the benefit of that infinitesimal portion of the world's population that finds comfort in it. Unless we concern ourselves with the realities faced by the rest of humanity, nobody's oppression will disappear--including that of 200 white, educated, under 30, semi-liberated American women,

Fern Levine New York, 12/30/68


Page 11

Dear Voice,
Several women at the Women's Liberation Conference in Chicago over the Thanksgiving holiday expressed an interest in a book called "Mothers and Amazons" written by Helen Diner This s book has been for me a starting point into a completely new understanding of female cultural history I was stimulated by the insights and relevency of the book to the WLM because it pointed in several unexpected directions which furthered my research studies on Women and Myth,
Sister.

Editor's note: Sorry...we are missing the rest of this letter. Someone cut up this page of our original copy. If anyone would like to send us a xerox of page 11 of this issue, we'll fill in the blank space.

Sister
A group of (so far) about ten women has begun meeting in S F --started originally for women around resistance and facing the situation of their husbands/lovers going to jail-But although we have only met twice, we've gone far beyond talking about "what we do for X number of years while cur men are in. jail, " Women are desperate to talk and to work things out, or at least to try to begin working things out and both times we have talked for like six hours And good discussions both in terms of what was said and also how we say things-Good things, and honest, and not playing games of who can say the most radical thing or who can talk the most We worry about having everyone speak and not having a few people monopolize the time, but so far that hasn't seemed to be a real problem, both because we're trying to be considerate, and because everyone has so much to say. Will keep you posted.

Pat Hansen, San Francisco

Editor's note: Sorry...we are missing the rest of this page. Someone cut up this page of our original copy. If anyone would like to send us a xerox of page 11 of this issue, we'll fill in the blank space.


Page 12

Readings

Up From Ridicule: A Position Paper
On Radical Women/ Marlene Dixon
Towards a Radical Women's Movement/
 Marilyn Webb
Women in the Radical Movement: A Reply to Ramparts/  Evelyn Goldfield, Heather Booth, Sue Munaker
The Look is You: Towards a Strategy
for Radical Women/Naomi Jaffe and Bernadine Dohrn
A Call for Women"s Liberation/ 
 Sue Munaker
Women: An Essential Force for Change/
 Sue Munaker
The Sexual Caste System: On Passing
Two whores and a nun/Heather Dean

Sisters, Brothers, Lovers...Listen/Judi
Bernstein Peggy Morton, Linda
 Seese. Myrna Wood
An Introduction to the Boston Regional Meeting/ 
 Nancy Hawley
Excerpts from an Interview with
 Pam Allen and Julius Lester
Some Proposals for Radical women/
 Sue Cloke (free)

RECOMMENDED:
Towards a Female Liberation Movement/'
 Beverly Jones and Judith Brown (50 cents)
Kinder, Kuche, Kirche,as scientific law:
Psychology constructs the female/
Naomi Weisstein-,.(35 cents)


The Voice of the Women's Liberation Movement is a national newsletter printed as often as time and money permit. Subscriptions are $3.00 per year. Bulk rates are available to women's liberation groups. Permission is granted to reprint any of the material provided all credit is given to source and author and at least four copies are sent to VWLM. Unsolicited articles, news, drawings, stories, letters, jokes and cartoons are warmly received.

IF YOU WANT THE NEWSLETTER
to keep coming, please send your
subscription and/or donation to:

VMLM

Sub($3/yr)_______________Donation_____

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Tagged: wlm newsletter january 1969

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Webtrax Admin
September 16, 2016
voices of wlm

WLM Newsletter June 1968

Webtrax Admin
September 16, 2016
voices of wlm

by Fran Rominski
 Although there is a multitude of summer projects springing up around the country, one of the most exciting seems to be Summer of Support. Briefly, Summer of Support is a program aimed at establishing coffee houses outside army bases in the nearby towns. The coffee houses are seen as ''cultural antidotes or alternatives to the militaristic, drab, occasionally violent army town environment. " The coffee houses will be staffed by movement people but are not designed to organize soldiers; rather, to provide soldiers with a resource institution through which they might organize themselves, when they are ready.
 However, the coffee house idea presents some frightful possibilities for women. From the inception of the idea it has been considered important to have women staffing the coffee houses. The reason stated is that guys will open lip more easily to women, who would be warm and sympathetic listeners. (The reason deduced by many women is that they would be valuable attractions. ) The prospectus on the program lists women as one of the commodities to be brought along for the celebration of the G. I 's return home- -". . . those who have successfully served the soldiers' interests
(cont. on p. 2)

by Mary Nelson
(Mary Nelson recently returned from a three-week visit to Cuba.)
 "What difference has the revolution made in your life?" I was speaking to a Cuban woman walking out to the fields where she does her voluntary agricultural work. She folded her work gloves into the pocket of her militia trousers and smiled. ''Before, the black people couldn't go to the beaches, but now we can go wherever we want. The second change is that, before, women couldn't do anything, we didn't have any right. Now men and women work together; we are all revolutionary companeros.
 One afternoon in Havana I had a long, chat with a young woman. She is a buyer for chemicals for one of the ministries, is active in the Women's Federation, and helps support a family of her own. "We have heard a lot about the New Man Cuba is creating, " I said. "Who is the New Woman?"
 "Like the New Man, she develops her abilities so that she can contribute as much as possible to the collective effort. The New Woman is a fully productive companera."
 These two conversations reveal some of the changes the revolution has brought in the lives of Cuban women.
Before the revolution in 1959, few Cuban women were employed. The rural labor force worked for wages, and very few had land for subsistence farming. Women could not work in the fields or factories because the level of unemployment was chronically at a crisis level, even for men. So there was little a woman could (cont. on p. 3) 


The VOICE of the WOMEN's LIBERATION MOVEMENT is a national newsletter put together by the Chicago women's groups. It is printed as often as material, time and money permit.
For this newsletter to be a valid reflection of the radical women's movement, it is essential that 

women from all over the country send in articles, drawings, jokes, cartoons. No one has the time or money to hound you for it - just write and send it today.

P.2

COFFEE HOUSES (cont. from p.1)

COFFEE HOUSES (cont. from p. 1)
by demanding peace should now come to army towns with music, women, and support to help effect and celebrate the G. I. 's quick transition to civilian life."
These are the descriptions of the roles which Summer of Support is asking women to fulfill. The roles are traditional, passive and, in the case of the latter, degrading. They come out of the chauvinist movement which, if allowed, apparently would not be ashamed to have its counterpart to Johnson's fleet of sexual conscripts for the Saigon and American troops in Vietnam.
 That the movement is chauvinist, that it is oblivious to the oppressive roles it forces on women, and that it is so unabashed as to list women as a commodity in its literature is not all that new in the movement. The question at (cont. on p. 8)


by Kathy Kearny
 Working class women on the Northwest side of Chicago were the subject of a recentDaily New's article. They were mothers involved in the anti-busing movement, and their remarks quoted in the article revealed the way their status as women had influenced and formed their racism.
 The women discussed how they believed most of their tax money was being misused to support A. D. C, mothers . "I hear those women have a different guy every night and we pay for it."' one snapped. ''Yeah, " another sighed and added with a giggle, "while we sit home."
 While this illustrates misinformation of tax expenditures and the welfare system, it also reveals the results of exploitation and the second class role of women in this society.
 White America is imbued with racist, supremacist attitudes; white people are both beneficiaries and victims of their racism. To be white in America means that one benefits from better schools, enjoys the fruits of job discrimination against other races, and has the psychological advantage of thinking oneself superior. As a victimizing process, racism, reflects the need for one exploited group to feel superior- the most efficient means of maintaining a ''divided house" and a secure domain for the ruling class. Recent history provides adequate examples of how white workers lost their battles because their racism was stronger or more valuable to them than was their workers' movement.
 And the racism of these white working class women is characterized not only by their class attitudes, but also by the additional oppression of their sex, as illustrated in the article.
 Their backgrounds showed a clear picture of the society's exploitation of them as women (i. e., they quit school to marry, worked at poorly-paying jobs to pay for their homes, etc.). Their own opinions of their lives? They describe them as dull, drab, nothing but work.


(cont. from p.2)
do except produce children.
 Now there is so much work to be done in Cuba--new lands to be cultivated, factories to be built, classes to be taught--that anyone who can work is a treasure. Women are valuable people because the whole country needs them, not just because men like them.
 The Women's Federation does not crusade to establish the emancipation or equality of women. Instead, its main function is to implement government work policies which operate on the assumption of equality. The Federation organizes vcluntary work brigades, helps unemployed women find jobs, and trains students going into the fields. It also runs excellent day nurseries for pre-school children during work hours.
 A strict division of labor is maintained in Cuba under the direction of the men- men drive tractors and cut the cane, while women roll cigars, run the nurseries, and plant coffee. (It is true that cane cutting is too difficult for most women, but driving a tractor is not. Why should there be no men in the nurseries?)
 These exclusionary practices may be a source of conflict in the future, but they are not now. Women are by no means restricted to low status jobs. Before, professional women were mainly teachers. Now, a third of the new teacher trainees are men, while nearly half of the medical students are women. In the sugar mill we visited, one of the ten or fifteen foremen was a woman. In the Faculty of Technology at the University a third of the students are women. There were virtually none before. Women are also active in local block clubs, the militia, and the Party; many are judges in the Popular Courts.
Although the work relationships between men and women have changed very rapidly, sexual relationships are changing more slowly. Women have been trained for a long time to judge their worth by how well they can please men as sexual objects. (Cuban fashion magazines are very much like our own) In Havana, around hotels particularly, there was no shortage of women wearing high heels, tight skirts, no girdles and shiny cloth, in the standard Latin ''sexy" style. Many women have not yet discovered that they are already valuable; there is no need to wear those

p.3

uncomfortable shoes any more. And the Cuban men I watched responded to the traditional flirtations in traditional ways, maintaining the women's dependence on approval from men.
 Marriage is not being eliminated. Cuban young people marry at a fairly early age —17 to 19 — and are producing children prolifically. Contraceptives are available but aren't as popular as they are here, for a couple of reasons. First, the island is under-populated, a result of a century of uprisings and police retaliation. Second., mothers needn't choose between having children and continuing their public lives because of the nursery system run by the Women's Federation.
 However, marriages are dissolved more often and more easily than before. The revolution often separates couples for several months or years while one partner is sent to a distant part of the island to do voluntary work, teach, or go to school. It is becoming more common, according to one of our guides for each to find a new partner until the old arrangement can be resumed. Sometimes the new partner is preferred and the previous marriage is dissolved.
 Changes in women's roles in Cuba--in the value of being female--are closely related to changes in the Cubans' concept of the ideal person. I suspect that as the ideal of the New Socialist Man (consistent, hardworking and cooperative) comes to replace the ideal of the Guerillero (adventuresome,
(cont. on p. 8) 


There have been numerous suggestions, ever since last summer, that a national radical women's meeting be called The Chicago women's coordinating committee is interested in knowing what women all over the country think. Do you want a conference? If so, when, where, and how would you like to see it organized? We will try to let you know more in the next newsletter.

Dear John.
 I've always been a good provider. We have a lovely home in the suburbs and my wife has an unlimited charge account at Marshal Field's. I've always encouraged her to take night courses in art history and French cooking, so you can see I'm in favor of improving her mind.
 She joined the League of Women Voters and I nodded my approval. She even started picketing with Women for Peace and I said yes. I agreed that it was good for women to question their government as long as dinner was on time and my shirts were ironed, However, now she's gone too far. She talked to this radical who convinced her that she ought to define herself, and some nonsense about liberating herself.
Now I believe in humoring women, but I'm sick of TV dinners and wrinkled collars. Can I convince her true happiness is found in a well-done cheese souffle?
                                      Larry Liberal
Dear L. L.,
Your wife has obviously lost confidence in your manhood since she seeks fulfillment elsewhere. You must try to convince her that it is exciting to be part of your world-- have you tried MAN TAN

Dear John,
I used to be a movement bureaucrat and do city wide co-ordinating. My chick was always with me and a great help since I don't type, and she was much better on the phone asking for money and favors. Then I decided that in order to be more effective I should broaden my experience, I decided to organize a working class neighborhood. Fortunately, my chick had no political disagreement with me so she came along, For a while we we doing great. My chick would go into a local bar and start up conversations with some of the guys. Then I would come in shortly

P.5

after and join in, talking political stuff.
 But lately, my chick has started hanging around grocery stores. If she does come into a bar, she just talks to the women and doesn't help me get to know the guys. Now that's the important issue, the way she is messing up our organizing. But also she 's talking about women's liberation stuff and refuses to cook all the time (although she the better cook) and insists I learn to type.
 How can I get her back to using her best talents in everyday tasks and being a good organizer ?
                                             Disorganized

Dear Disorganized,
 Perhaps you could analyze women 's liberation as counter-revolutionary and re-enlist her support If you do come up with such an analysis, please send me a copy as I have many readers with similar problems.

Dear John
last night these beautiful people came over and we all got stoned out of our minds.. grooving this way out music and I was lying on my chick s lap touching her body- this guy Ethan and I were grooving each other's minds like we were really on the same wave length CAN YOU DIG IT ?, . . And suddenly this freakout started to happen my chick started to rap and wouldn't stop. . . . I don't even know what she was saying man all I know -is here was my chick rapping man and she sat up and like she wasn 't my chick anymore. . like she was far away. ....,like she was tuned in to herself more than to me. . like man I groove on independent chicks and all but . . like I'm her man and it was really nice lying on her lap. . so we had this fight, and she called me an m. c. give me some words man.. . I'm up tight
                                          Freaked Out
Dear Freaked,
I hear that drugs are liable to cause very unusual occurences. Women sometimes get upset by some little thing that happens around the house. Perhaps the rapping your chick did was a way of getting your attention because she feels insecure. Tell her you think she 's great and she'll probably be o. k.
                           John Magnus FaIllus


by Sarah Boyte

Approximately fifty members of the five Chicago radical women's groups met on Saturday, May 18, 1968, to hold a citywide conference. The main purposes of the conference were to create and strengthen ties among groups and individuals, to generate a heightened sense of common history and purpose, and to provoke imaginative programmatic ideas and plans.. In other words, the conference was an early step in the process of movement building.
 The plan of the day-long conference included the following: an historical analysis of women's movements in the U. S. , and impressionistic sketch of the women's liberation movement in Vietnam, workshops on "our identity as a movement", followed by a general meeting and workshop reports, and workshops on various program and action project ideas.
 The "identity" workshops dealt with such questions as, How does the women's movement relate to the larger movement? How can we build a broad women's movement? Throughout the day, the need for historical research, and for women to do more writing, was brought up. Also discussed was the problem of analyzing women as an oppressed group, and the class differences in women's oppression.
 There was some difference of opinion on priorities, with some favoring action projects (such as organizing university students and employees to demand a daycare center for their kids) now, and others feeling more research and discussion should precede any action. No conclusions were reached, and the dialogue will continue.
Reactions to the conference varied. Many of the negative reactions served to point up the limits of a one-day conference-e. g. too little time to relax and make friends resulted in people talking mostly to those they already knew. Many tired people left at 5:00 though the conference was planned to last until 8:00. Nevertheless, Chicago women have gotten together, and the experience has encouraged us to plan for continuing citywide programs as a base for a more cohesive women's movement.

P.7

In the hospital
they moved systematically
down the rows of babies
checking
and on me finding
lack of the male
tied into my mind
the roadmap lined with pink.

I learned to walk
along its path
feet not heeding
the brown terrain
of actual and uncharted
ea rth.

Enduring alike
hardships and the pretty -
eyes straight ahead
between tall flowered hedges
watered with advertising,
watered with fear,
to the ultimate
plastic cartoon
of a lying fairy-tale's end
covering the horizon
overcoming the whole sky
at the end of the road marked—
childhood.

                      —Jean Tepperman

The Chicago women's coordinating committee has planned a series of forurns. The purposes of the forums are: 1) to encourage deeper study of subjects such as the history of women's movements, and the treatment of women by the social sciences; 2) to give women knowledge of these aspects of women's roles; 3) to provide a chance for women in the different groups to meet regularly, and 4) to reach new women.
 The first forum will be: "Women in the Labor Movement since 1920'' and will be held July 12 at 925 Diversey. Subsequent forums will be held every six weeks. For more information, call Amy Kesselman.

Tagged: wlm newsletter june 1968

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Webtrax Admin
September 16, 2016
voices of wlm

WLM Newsletter March 1968 Vol 1 No. 1

Webtrax Admin
September 16, 2016
voices of wlm

This is the space for the bannerline.
We left it blank.
Because this newsletter, like its sponsoring organizations, has no name.
We felt its readers, the various radical women's groups and organizations for women's liberation around the country, should decide its name when they are ready. Suggestions will be printed in a subsequent issue. Please send yours in. Reader response on the suggested names will be tabulated and printed before the final decision is made. In the meantime it costs money to put out this newsletter and our treasury is nonexistent. This initial issue is being distributed free to all those who have expressed an interest in women's liberation. Subsequent issues will be sent only to subscribers. The rate is $3.00 for 12 issues. If you can contribute more, please do so. If you don't have that much, send what you can. If you can pay nothing, and still went to receive this newsletter, write us a letter claiming poverty.


March, 1968  voice of the women's liberation movement    Vol. I, No.1

WHAT IN THE HELL IS WOMEN'S LIBERATION ANYWAY?

 With 51% of the population, women are the largest "minority"in this country. A woman must work twice as hard, on half the opportunity, for a fraction of the success, and respect as a man of similar abilities. Then, if she should succeed, she is told she is "unfeminine".
 To list all the ways in which our society exploits women would be overwhelming and unnecessary. There are so many, and they are so endemic to our social organization, that women can be liberated only with a total restructuring of this society. Likewise, because this exploitation is so intrinsic, restructuring or society can be significant only in so far as it incorporates the changes necessary for women to be liberated.
 Women's liberation does not mean equality with men. Mere equality is not enough. Equality in an unjust society is meaningless. Inequality in a just society is a contradiction in terms. We want equality in a just society. And this means the encouragement and opportunity of all individuals to be fully themselves to explore, express and develop their human potentials to the greatest extent possible unconfined by the narrow bounds of societal stereotypes.
 Spread evenly thruout all social classes, women are still one of the most exploited single groups. By organizing women around their very real and very immediate grievances one can work directly on the inherent inequities of our society and do a great deal toward developing the mass base necessary for any substantial social change. 
 Organizing women is a challenging and exciting potential that has not been tapped by the radical social movement. It is also a challenge to that movement to live up to its own ideals and liberate its women by restructuring itself. (Continued on page 4)

IN THIS ISSUE

Editorial 1
News 1
March MCOTM 2
Cartoon 3
Chapter Report 5

Special Features

Democratic Convention 2
Rankin Brigade 3
Spring Conferences    4

CHICAGO WOMEN CELEBRATE MARCH 8

International Women's Day was celebrated March 8 by the Chicago chapters with a film,"Salt of the Earth" (to be reviewed next month), and an all-Movement party—the groups first integrated function.
 March 8 commemorates the 1908 struggle of women on the Lower East Side of New York to gain the right to vote, an end to sweatshops and an end to child labor. It is also celebrated in many countries as the anniversary of the South Vietnam Women's Liberation Union, founded in 1959.
 "Salt of the Earth," a free-lance effort by the Independent Film Producers made during the early fifties, centers around a strike by Mexican-American mine workers that is almost lost when they are enjoined from picketing by Taft-Hartley Act. The strike is eventually won when the women, technically not mine workers, replace the men on the picket line-over strong male objections. At the same time the women win new respect, dignity and understanding for themselves, and an inclusion of their demands with those of the union, when the men are forced to take over the women's jobs at home.


page 2 Vol. I, No. 1 March 1968

ON THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION
AND WHAT TO DO ABOUT IT
by Sue Munaker Chicago

 A representative, conference will be held in the Chicago area on 'March 23-24
or 29-30 to consider the Movement's relationship to the Democratic Convention. The conference, called by an ad hoc committee was initiated by the National Mobilization.
 Major positions which will be suggested to the participants are:

 Disruption—The Democratic Party is totally illegitimate and should destroyed.Therefore the Movement should do everything possible to prevent the Convention from assembling and to disrupt the proceedings.

 Electoral Alternatives—The left should propose a concrete political alternative to a Johnson/Nixon race. We should call for creation of a third party and/or a candidate who would run against racism and imperialism. Perhaps in August there should be a counter-convention to nominate our own slate.

 Stay Home—Any demonstrations will play into Johnson's hands and cause the Movement to lose support of the average American. We should stay home or organize demonstrations in every city but Chicago as LBJ wants violence and is "setting up the Movement for giant bust."

 Disciplined Coordinated Demonstrations—
Thousands will come to Chicago whatever we do. We should take advantage of this to dramatize to the world that millions of Americans feel unrepresented by a Johnson/ choice while against disruption and violence A well disciplined local organizing and education should begin this Spring (about the Democratic Party) and build to the summer.
 The ad hoc committee appointed an interim committee whose duties are solely administrative to carry out the following motions:
1) Call a large Movement conference, by invitation only, with representatives from constituent organizations (SDS, Women for Peace, etc.),, major area groups (e.g. the Chicago Peace Council) and concerned individuals, ( Dick Gregory).
2) Contact people to write papers on the alternative proposals and, specifically, on

strategies for interest groups; (e.g. welfare, women draft resisters).
3) Organize pre-conference regional meetings discussion of the perspective and be sure all ideas and interests are represented at the conference.
4) Be responsible for the general administration of the conference.
5) Develop an agenda for the March conference which will provide for democratic decision making on a general strategy for Democratic Convention and establish machinary for developing and carrying out that strategy
6) Call the conference under the names of the interim committee with other names attached at, a call to the conference. Members of the interim committee are:Carlos Russell, Caroline Black, Earl Durham, Tom Hayden, Corky Gonzales, Linco1n Lynch, Bob Greenblatt, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger and Sue Munaker.
One idea proposed as part of the fourth alternative 13 to devote each day of the Convention to a specific Radical women should begin to work out a strategy of with this in mind and other strategies if this course is not adopted. Send your ideas to the newsletter.
More information can be had from the March 23rd Convention Office, 407 S. Dearborn Room 315 Chicago, Ill.


MALE CHAUVINIST OF THE MONTH AWARD

by unnanimous decision of our distinguished panel of judges the Male Chauvinist for the month of March is declared to be:

       Warren Hinkle III
              Editor of Ramparts

for contributions to the cause of the oppression of too numerous to describe herein but obvious to anyone who has read the February issue the "Playboy of the left"

First runner-up is hereby awarded to whoever conceived the cover photo depicting "political woman" as having two tits and no head.


March 1968 Vol. I, No. 1 page 3

RADICAL WOMEN AND THE RANKIN BRIGADE

Pam Allen, New York

 The Jeanette Rankin Brigade made very clear to radical women our lack of organization and our lack of program to take advantage of the opportunities which the Brigade presented us.
This was especially evident when a significant minority of the women at the March, angry at what they felt was a sellout by the Brigade's leadership, made two abortive attempts at organizing civil disobedience-carrying signs in defiance of a police edict and confronting Congress on the Capitol steps. Both attempts failed because no one was clear about the reasons for the actions or committed enough to do them alone if necessary.
 But the anger which lay at the base of these actions remained and was carried over to the Congress. There, a caucus called by the radical women of New York and Chicago to discuss methods and purposes of organizing women was attended by many of these women.
We had come to talk and had no ready program for these women to channel their feelings into constructive action. So, they left our caucus, and unable to carry on a debate on the floor of the regular Congress, called a Counter-Congress in an adjoining room.
These women left the Congress because they were interested in more than words. They were angry and wanted to "do something." Several of the radical women who attended their Counter-Congress felt the mood was that they did not want to talk about long-range organizing, but short-range action. An attempt to organize the Counter-Congress failed because we could not offer this kind of program.
 They wanted action, not rhetoric, and we had no action to offer. We did not know how to channel their energy so we met together to do some hard thinking in where we wanted to take ourselves, as well as other women. We felt it important to set up contacts so that next time we would be prepared.
 We learned a great deal from our experience at the Brigade. We became very aware of how disorganized radical women

are and of our tendency to come to a moderate action with a great deal of anger and no clear plan of action. We now realize that we must differentiate between militancy for its own sake and militancy which has a goal.
 Altho we missed an opportunity to do some valuable organizing because we were not prepared, I think we used our energies well by dividing into two groups. Some of our women attended the caucus to discuss structure and organizing while others went to the Counter-Congress to talk to the militant women there.
As a result, we did firm up organizational plans and we did reach some new women. Perhaps we shouldn't expect more from our first time.


page 4 Vol. I, No. 1 March 1968

CALL FOR A SPRING CONFERENCE
Marilyn Salzman Webb, Washington, D.C.

 Radical women did not come to Washington to participate in a Jeanette Rankin Brigade which we all knew was going to be moderate, ineffectual end absurd. We came to talk to each other.
 We came to see if we could build a movement of women capable of preventing such fiascos as the Brigade portended from reoccurring. We came to see if we could form an organization with which radical women could identify and a program which would be effective.
 We came because we, for the most part, are women who have been involved in the Movement for years and share its ideals that no people can be free, and that no social change can come, until all people are free. We wanted to organize for our own equality within this broader because we see ourselves colonized in the same way Fanon has described the Algerians. Our enemy is not men, but an oppressive system that pits group against group, denying each self -control and self-confidence.
 We came because we, as radical political people, have learned from the a black movement here and the women of Vietnam that the only way we can be a force is to build our own movement. We must develop ourselves personally, politically, and as a power base if we are to be respected. We met for two days and developed a program for the next few months. We hope to hold at least four regional organizational conferences of radical women this Spring to begin to develop programs and analysis. The conferences should set up by each region so that they reflect the interest of each region, but we would hope to share working papers and perhaps some speakers.
 Two areas, however, seem to be common to all concerns. First, we must develop a dialog about the life-styles we want to lead in the future barriers to leading them and how to eliminate these barriers.
 Second, we need to identify those areas where it is relevant, and crucial, to say "no" to the system. Some particular issues connected with this are: women's roles (Continued on page 5).

(Continued from page 1)

Altho women in the Movement have long been aware of their secondery status within and without the movement it is only recently that they have begun to do something about it. Since a small group of women began their first searching meetings last fall the movement for women's liberation has grown to a nationwide network of women who recognize the interdependence of radical change and women's liberation.
 Our political awareness of these twin, concerns has developed as we sought to apply the principles of justice, equality, mutual respect and dignity which we learned from the movement to the lives we lived as part of the movement only to come up against the solid wall of male chauvinism.
 It is time that Movement men realized they cannot speak the languages of freedom while treating women in the same dehumanizing manner as their establishment peers. It is time Movement women realized this is a social problem of national significance not at all confined to our struggle for personal liberation within the Movement and that, as such, must be approached politically.
 The time has come for us to take the initiative in organizing ourselves for our own liberation, and in organizing all women, around issues which. directly affect their lives, to see the need for fundamental social change.
 As women radicals we are involved with politically issues because we realize that we cannot be free until all people are free. But as radical women we are not interested in forming a women's auxilliary to the Movement. Our interest is in thoroughly integrating that movement particularly its leadership and policymaking positions. To this end we feel it is necessary to create women's groups to organize other women into the Movement and to organize ourselves to take power.
 While we are aware that men are not free either, we, as women, have special problems, within and without the Movement , which we must talk about among ourselves. Only women can define what it to be a woman in a liberated society end we cannot allow others, by our inaction, to do this for us. It is up to us to meet the challenge to define, and organize, ourselves.--Joreen


March 1968 Vol. I, No. 1 page 5

CHAPTER REPORT
Estelle Carol, Chicago


(Editor's note: This is the first in a series of reports—on how different radical women's groups were formed and what they are doing. It is hoped these will provide some organizing ideas for women who would like to form similar groups. The group described below was one the first to grow out of the original Chicago organization) .

 The Women's Radical Action Project is a group of about 40 students and nonstudents at the University of Chicago formed last fall to discuss radicalism and women.
 At first our discussions were very groping. Altho we wanted to be independent, we still accepted many of the cliches we had learned about women's proper role. But, as we gained a group identity and common upderstanding we could probe more deeply into such questions as the role of women in the radical movement the conflict between an identity as a women and as a person, and the relationship between issues of women's liberation and radical action and education.
 We want to build the the self-confidence of our members so that they can use their intellectual and leadership abilities to the. benefit of the larger movement. We also want to organize other women around issues that will make them realize their identify as articulate, intelligent, competent and political human beings.
 To do this we had to come to a better understanding of how society prevents most women from realizing their full potential. We had to recognize that this society emphasizes a woman's obligation as mother and housekeeper, and that, at best, most of us will have to integrate this role with the intellectual aspirations of our student years.
 Exacerbating this is the fact that a woman must be brighter and more persevering than a man to gain any recognition in the male-dominated professions. Women are taught that their ultimate fulfillment lies in a man. Socially their position—

passive, insecure, unsure of their identity, —is played on by industry to make them good consumers. Further, the agonizing injustice of abortion laws do not even allow a woman to control her own body.
As we began to understand these problems we saw the need to reach other women, and came up with some exciting ideas. We are sponsoring a course (a privilege the university gives its students) on the issues of women's liberation which will require each participant to thoroly research a topie of interest to her and act as resource person for class discussions. We also-hope
(Continued on page 6)


(Continued from page 4)
oppressions and strengths), political analysis of the objective conditions facing each of us today (corporate power, militarism,poverty, Vietnam, the 1968 elections), and a strategy for organizing women.
 We also made committments to write as much as we can, to talk to people about our concerns, to begin to make other women-think about their oppressed status, and to help men- more groups organize.
 We also made committments to write as much as we can, to talk to people about our concerns, to begin to make other women think about their oppressed status, and to help men- more groups organize. The lesson of the Brigade was a good one. Women don't have a base in this country. We don't have clearly defined politics, even tho we are an oppressed group. In order for women to begin-to develop political consciousness and the power necessary to act on such a consciousness, we must organize.
 One a of the primary reasons the Brigade failed is that it attempted national action based on a coalition without a base. Federations and coalitions only work when each group represents troops and each has clearly defined politics and strategies. When none of the incorporated groups has any, of these, the entire coalition lacks significance and power.
 In order for a coalition of women to ever work in the future we as radical women have to organize ourselves so we have a clearly defined sense of who we are and what we represent. Black women are organizing as are white union women. So must we.
 We need power; we need a base; and most of all, we need to develop an analysis of ourselves in a society that is oppressive to everybody.


page 6 Vol. I, No. 1 March 1968

(Continued from page 5)
to sponsor a campus wide conference which will draw many apolitical women and where we can present ideas on female consciousness and wider political issues.
Other ideas include organizing wives and girl friends of draft resisters into a group similar to WRAP, leafleting shopping centers and factories where women work with literature on Vietnam and women's liberation, and, possibly, organizing women around the abortion issue.
These are just some ideas; we still need.to do a lot of talking. We need to formulate exactly what radical women went to accomplish We are still, unsure of how to show women how they can become an indispensible part of the radical movement. But we're organized, and we're growing.

AVAILABLE LITERATURE

To the Resistance: A Call for Women's Liberation / Sue Munaker

Towards a Radical Women's Movement/ Marilyn Salzman Webb

Women in the Radical Movemont: A Reply to Ramparts/ Evelyn Goldfield with Heather Booth and Sue Munaker

The Look is You: Towards a Strategy for Radical Women / Naomi Jaffe and Bernadine Dohrn

Some Aspects of the Situation of South Vietnam's Women and Children Under the U.S. Puppet Regime / a document of the South Vietnam Women's Liberation onUnion
35 cents each or 10 for $2.50


This newsletter is published regularly and distributed on a subscription basis. The first issue is free to all interested persons; thereafter the rate is $3.00 for 12 issues. Bulk rates are available to recognized women's groups. Permission is granted to reprint any or all of the material herein provided full credit is given to source and author and at least four copies are sent to the editor at c/o Joreen 1470 W. Erie, Chicago, Ill. 60622. Unsolicited manuscripts and newsstories are welcome.

This issue was put out by:

Editor: Joreen

Production: Kathy Kearney and the Rogers Park Chapter

Contributors:

Washington, D.C.
Chicago
Chicago
New York
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Marilyn Webb
Sue Munaker
Estelle Carol
Pam Allen
Naomi Weisstein
Warren Hinkle III 

Tagged: wlm newsletter march 1968

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